
Arab public figures recently announced the establishment of a new party – min ajlina (“For Us” in Arabic) – which boldly declared its willingness to partner in the future government coalition.[1] In tandem, the Abraham Fund published a survey demonstrating that 64 percent of Arab society in
The outbreak of the so-called “Arab Spring” aroused great enthusiasm and expectation for democratization in Arab society in
Neither the Israeli state nor the Israeli public has remained indifferent to what is happening in the Arab world. Although from the outset the state adopted a policy of minimal intervention in the surrounding region, its attitude toward the "Arab Spring" was not consistent at all. In Israel, the outbreak of the revolution in
For Israel, the importance of the "Arab Spring" is not limited to politics or strategy; the "Arab Spring" also impacts internal factors, namely the Arab minority and its relations with the state. This insight is reinforced by leading research on Arab society in
The Arab Spring: Divisions in Arab Society
The perception of space as a cultural and moral anchor among the Arab minority largely explains the schism in
It is unsurprising that the National Democratic Alliance (Balad Party) adopted a stance that identifies with the "Arab Spring" given the views of its spiritual founder, Azmi Bishara.[8] For years, Bishara kept close ties with the Ba’ath regime in
The confusion, bewilderment, and divisiveness of the "Arab Spring" did not miss
It would be a mistake to try to divide Arab intellectuals between those who support or sympathize with the uprising and those who oppose it on religious or ethnic grounds. The dispute over the uprising crosses ethnic and religious lines and is stranded between two camps of intellectuals with different religious and ethnic affiliations. As such, this appears to be disagreement of principal, related not only to reciprocal relations with the Arab space, but to the ideological orientation and moral compass of
The division of the Arab political arena has generated ideological and moral confusion in the Arab intellectual community. As previously discussed, the discourse focuses on two central issues: the historical importance of the "Arab Spring"on the one hand, and on the other, the degree of morality to be applied in taking a stance on the war taking place in
The Young Generation and Society in the Shadow of the “Arab Spring"
The "Arab Spring" drew attention to the crucial role of young, educated people in the Arab world. The political events that unfolded in the
It is possible to point similarities between political and social movements in the Arab world and the movements among Palestinian citizens of
Unlike the protest movement in the Arab world, and despite the success of the young Arab protest movements in instilling a new political discourse, mobilizing many young people, and challenging traditional political frameworks, they failed to bring about meaningful change in the situation of
Fear of anarchist tendencies, combined with disappointment in the Arab world’s failure to transition to democratic rule has led to the strengthening of realist-pragmatic trends in the Arab public. The strengthening of these trends was reflected in a survey conducted by Ha'aretz in February 2015, which found that 70 percent of Arabs in
Conclusion
The pragmatism of the Arab public in Israel and its rationalization of coming to terms with its relationship with the state against the backdrop of the "Arab Spring" does not solve the problematic nature of the existence of a national minority within the framework of a Jewish nation-state. This pragmatism does not indicate the Arab public’s recognition of the ideological basis of the state or acceptance of Zionist ideology. To put it simply, this pragmatism reflects the internalization of reality, but not the internalization of Zionism. The Arab minority demonstrates impressive pragmatism in its behavior and its patterns of political and popular discourse, but this pragmatism does not negate its national identity or its basic positions towards the Zionist narrative. In response to the disintegration of Arab space,
In view of ongoing deadlock and the discord in Arab space, the Arab minority in
[1] Kull al-Arab, 15 January 2019.
[2] Haaretz, 40 January 2019.
[3] Yusri Khaizran and Muhammad Khlaile, Left to its Fate: Arab Society in Israel Under the Shadow of the "Arab Spring" (Tel Aviv University: Konrad Adenauer Stiftung and the Moshe Dayan Center, 2019) [in print].
[4] Elie Podeh, "Do Not Underestimate Tunisia," Haaretz, 26 January 2011 [in Hebrew].
[5] Lior Lehrs, “Egyptian Darkness or Window of Opportunity? Israeli Discourse on the Arab Spring,” in: Elie Podeh and On Winkler (editors), The Third Wave: Protest and Revolution in the Middle East, Jerusalem: Carmel, 2017, pp. 224-246 [in Hebrew].
[6] Amal Jamal, The Arab Public Sphere in Israel: Media Space and Cultural Resistance, Bloomington, Indianapolis: Indiana University Press, 2009, p. 131.
[7] I'lam – Arab Center for Media Freedom, Development and Research, Strategic Report: The Palestinian Arabs Inside the Green Line (Nazareth, 2016), p. 19 [in Arabic].
[8] Amal Jamal, “Dual Consciousness and Delayed Revolutions: On the Political Dilemmas of Palestinian Citizens in Israel in the Shadow of the Arab Spring," The Public Space, 13 (2017), p. 114 [in Hebrew].
[9] See Azmi Bishara's comprehensive account of the uprising in Syria: Azmi Bishara, Suriyya: Durub al-Alam nahwa al-Hurriyyah [Syria: The Path of Suffering towards Freedom], Doha: Arab Center for Research and Policy Studies, 2013 [in Arabic].
[11] Jamal (Note 8 above), p 102.
[12] Prawer Commission was established in 2009 by the government to arrange Bedouin settlement in the Negev. The report’s main innovation was to extend only 50 percent compensation for land that a landowner holds. For claims on land that was not in possession of the claimant, it was decided that monetary compensation would be paid, and that it could be converted for the purchase of residential land plots in Bedouin towns. For more information, see Thabet Abu Ras, "The Arab Bedouin in the Unrecognized Villages in the Naqab (Negev): Between the Hammer of Prawer and the Anvil of Goldberg." Adalah, Vol. 81 (April 2011).
[13] For more on the youth movements, see: Hemat Zuabi, "Al-Hirak al-Shababi al-Filastini" ("Protest Movements of the Young Palestinian Generation"), Jadal, 22, Haifa: Mada al-Carmel, 2015. See also: Jamil Hilal, Al-Harakat al-Shababiyyah al-Filastiniyyah (“Movements of the Young Palestinian Generation”), Ramallah: Masarat, 2013 [in Arabic].
[14] See: Jacky Khoury, “Most of the Arab Public in Favor of Joining the Government,” Haaretz, 20 February 2015 [in Hebrew].
[15] Wadea 'Awawdy, “A Survey of Palestinian Citizens of Israel Reveals Two Important Facts." Al-Quds al-Arabi, 16 February 2017 [in Arabic].
[17] Jamal (Note 8 above), p. 135.